National Finance Commission
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National Finance Commission and the Eighteenth Amendment

Our very moderate and sweet-spoken Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi did not show up in Parliament that his current party PTI is going to prove its mettle in Sindh as well.

 

Elections are far away right now. Then what is the iron that they are going to celebrate? Which “Pakistan card” are they going to test against the alleged “Sindh card”? The answer is already hidden in the announcement of the 10th NFC Awards by the President on May 12, with the establishment of five federal financial matters from which the seventh NFC Awards will be distributable at federal and provincial levels. (Divisible Pool) rate will change radically.

 

The new terms include (1) security, (2) public sector corporations, (3) subsidies, (4) repayment of loans, (5) Azad Jammu and Kashmir, Gilgit-Baltistan and the former FATA. Have gone Despite the fact that under Article (3A) 160 of the Constitution, the financial share of the provinces cannot be reduced from the previous NFC award (seventh award) which is 57.5 per cent for the provinces and 42.5 per cent for the center. How will Sindh and Balochistan agree on this?

 

It seems that the rest are all open units, that is why the Foreign Minister is giving a signal to celebrate iron in Sindh. The war between the Viceroy’s Center and the subjugated provinces resumed when democracy was restored after the 2008 elections and the parties to the Charter of Democracy came to power.

 

With the initiative of President Zardari and the tolerance of all parties, General Zia’s Eighth and General Musharraf’s 17th dictatorial amendments were cleared by the 18th Amendment, many fault lines were resolved and especially the ongoing anti-nationalism in the federation and provinces. Finding a solution to the conflict, a step was taken towards a democratic federation.

 

The All Parties Parliamentary Committee headed by Mr. Raza Rabbani, after a long deliberation in 77 long sittings with the consensus of fifteen parties, amended 97 articles of the Constitution. As a result, the Concurrent List was removed from the Fourth Schedule and the duties of 18 federal ministries and divisions were transferred to the provinces and their financial responsibilities.

 

It is a different matter that many of these divisions and ministries still insist on keeping the central bureaucracy at the center. What is the justification for staying with the Old Age Benefit Institution, Workers Welfare Fund and Zakat Fund Center?

 

My friend Raza Rabbani and his democratic comrades were so naive that a voluntary federation, let alone a democratic federation, could not function while maintaining the central grip of the modern colonial viceroyalty bureaucracy. On the contrary, democracy is at stake.

 

Due to the central bureaucratic structures of the federation, whatever decision Islamabad makes, be it the Chief Secretary of the provinces or the Inspector General of Police and paramilitary forums are all representatives of the Center. Then in the state sector there are Railways, PIA, WAPDA, Oil and Gas Corporations, Ports, SBP, Insurance Companies and Banks, NLCs, Frontier Works Organization, Communications, FBR and four to five dozen other institutions. The provinces have no choice.

However, there are about 22 issues, including these, which are a constitutional requirement to bring before the Council of Common Interests (CCI). Like the CCI, the National Economic Council (NEC) is a federal body that has been instrumental in economic policies, planning, inter-provincial economic affairs and other policy matters. But we see that the CCI and the NEC have been suspended and replaced by new ad hoc bodies, as we see in Corona, which was the CCI’s job.

 

Instead of making the provinces partners in its responsibilities through constitutional federal institutions, the Center wants to retain the powers but wants to shift the burden of its financial shortcomings to the provinces.

 

After the Eighteenth Amendment, there should have been a drastic reduction in the federal state structures, which did not happen and the rate of taxation from the national income was to be increased from 9% to 15%, which is still the same.

 

Instead of reducing its expenses, reducing its burdens and increasing its revenue, the heavily reduced center and its servant Shahana Lao Lashkar is now going bankrupt due to unnecessary expenses and non-productive expenses and Islamabad has to meet its irresponsible obligations. Is putting pressure on the provinces to shift the financial burden.

 

Now that the 18th Amendment is over, the focus is on the finances of the provinces that provide social services to the people. The ninth NFC award failed because it insisted on a 3% cut for security and a 4% cut for federally administered territories, despite not being included in the TOR.

 

If security and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and the former FATA were to be deducted from the total funds, debt repayments, corporations losses and relief funds would be reduced to not just 7 per cent but more than 15 per cent. Not only unconstitutional but it will lead to big problems and conflicts.

 

To some extent, the rest of the provinces are possible. Sindh is not going to accept this, Balochistan is also happy. Then there is no talk in Sindh without some friction. But the forces of our viceroy tradition may be forgetting that if the provinces say that the sectors for which you are seeking financial resources from the provinces, then bring those sectors, ministries and institutions under the purview of the Council of Common Interests so that they Also a bit of a decision Subscribe to Zee

 

Pakistan’s economic growth was declining and its bureaucratic colonial traditions, it seems, are now returning to their original dictatorial past. Now what is left for the poor republic that will survive federalism. Above is Corona and the death and economic devastation it has brought. What color will it all be together? God forgive me..

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